Saturday, August 14, 2021

Σιντάμα: Ένα Μαχόμενο για Εθνική Ανεξαρτησία Αφρικανικό Έθνος που Πρώτος ο Έλληνας Αφρικανολόγος, καθ. Μεγαλομμάτης έκανε ευρέως Γνωστό

ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ” 

Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 13η Σεπτεμβρίου 2019.

Σιντάμα: Ένα Μαχόμενο για Εθνική Ανεξαρτησία Αφρικανικό Έθνος που Πρώτος ο Έλληνας Αφρικανολόγος, καθ. Μεγαλομμάτης έκανε ευρέως Γνωστό


https://greeksoftheorient.wordpress.com/2019/11/01/σιντάμα-ένα-μαχόμενο-για-εθνική-ανεξα/  

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Σιντάμα: Ένα Μαχόμενο για Εθνική Ανεξαρτησία Αφρικανικό Έθνος που Πρώτος ο Έλληνας Αφρικανολόγος, καθ. Μεγαλομμάτης έκανε ευρέως Γνωστό

 greeksoftheorient  Αφρική, Ορόμο - Ένα υπόδουλο αφρικανικό έθνος 45 εκ., Orientalism - Οριενταλισμός, Ανατολιστικές Επιστήμες  November 1, 2019 41 Minutes

Οι Σιντάμα βρίσκονται υπό εχθρική κατοχή για πάνω από 120 χρόνια. Όταν στα μισά της δεκαετίας του 1890 το βασίλειο των Σιντάμα κατακτήθηκε από τους Αμχάρα και Τιγκράυ της Αβησσυνίας (που είχαν την υποστήριξη των Άγγλων και των Γάλλων), οι Σιντάμα αντιμετώπισαν μια μακραίωνη σκλαβιά και γενοκτονία που επιτελέστηκε υπό διαφορετικά, ‘βασιλικό’, ‘κομμουνιστικό’ και ‘ρεπουμπλικανικό’, καθεστώτα της Αβησσυνίας, η οποία ψευδεπίγραφα μετονομάστηκε μετά το 1950 σε Αιθιοπία.

 



Η σημαία της χώρας των Σιντάμα για την ανεξαρτησία της οποίας όλοι οι Σιντάμα μάχονται

Οι Σιντάμα είναι περίπου 8-9 εκατομμύρια Κουσίτες, δηλαδή συγγενείς των Σομαλών που μάχονται για να τερματίσουν τον αμερικανοκίνητο εμφύλιο στην χώρα τους και των Ορόμο της Αβησσυνίας και της Κένυας που μάχονται επίσης για εθνική ανεξατησία. Τα Σινταμουάφο (η γλώσσα των Σιντάμα) μοιάζει με τα Αφαάν Ορόμο (τη γλώσσα των Ορόμο) περισσότερο και λιγώτερο με τα Αφ Σομάλι (σομαλικά): όπως βλέπετε, στις κουσιτικές γλώσσες της Ανατολικής Αφρικής, παραλλαγές της λέξης –αφ σημαίνουν ‘γλώσσα’.

 



 



Οι περισσότεροι Σιντάμα ακολουθούν την παραδοσιακή αφρικανική, μονοθεϊστική θρησκεία τους αλλά υπάρχουν αρκετοί που δέχθηκαν την Χριστιανωσύνη, όπως την παρουσίασαν δυτικοί ιεραπόστολοι, και λιγώτεροι προσχώρησαν στο Ισλάμ. Την ίδια θρησκευτική τριχοτόμηση παρατηρούμε και στους Ορόμο (που είναι πιο πολυάριθμοι από τους Σιντάμα και ανέρχονται σε πέρίπου 40-45 εκ. ντόπιους στην Κατεχόμενη Ορομία), ανάμεσα στους οποίους όμως υπάρχουν περισσότεροι μουσουλμάνοι. Αντίθετα, οι Σομαλοί κι οι Άφαρ (: άλλο κουσιτικό έθνος) είναι όλοι τους μουσουλμάνοι.



 

Τα ανατολικά αφρικανικά κουσιτικά έθνη σήμερα είναι απόγονοι των Αρχαίων Σουδανών (: Αιθιόπων όπως τους αποκαλούσαν οι Αρχαίοι Έλληνες) και των Αρχαίων Αιγυπτίων, και μακρινοί συγγενείς των Βερβέρων της Λιβύης και του Άτλαντα, των Τουαρέγκ της νότιας Αλγερίας, των Φουλάνι της Σαχάρας, και των Χάουσα της Νιγηρίας.

 



Σιντάμα Διασπορά υπάρχει αρκετή στην Ανατολική Αφρική (ιδιαίτερα στην Κένυα), όπως άλλωστε και στην Ευρώπη, την Αγγλία, και τις ΗΠΑ. Οι Σιντάμα μάχονταν για την εθνική ανεξαρτησία τους και για την απαιτητή διάλυση του γενοκτονικού τυραννικού κράτους της Αβησσυνίας επί πολλές δεκαετίες μαζί με τους Ορόμο, τους Άφαρ και τους Σομαλούς του Ογκάντεν (περιοχή της Σομαλίας που έχει η Αγγλία παραχωρήσει στην Αβησσυνία κατά την διάρκεια της δεκαετίας του 1950). Αλλά ο αγώνας τους παρέμενε άγνωστος στον περισσότερο κόσμο, επειδή τα άθλια πρακτορεία ειδήσεων και δυτικά ΜΜΕ, ακόμη και σε περιπτώσεις σοβαρών συμβάντων, δεν έδιναν ακριβείς και σωστές πληροφορίες, κάνοντας λόγο ασαφώς για ‘εξεγερμένες φυλές’.

 



 

Κατά την δεκαετία του 2000, ο Έλληνας αφρικανολόγος καθ. Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτης δημοσίευσε πολλές δεκάδες άρθρων και επιπλέον συνεντεύξεις με Σιντάμα αρχηγούς εθνικοαπελευθερωτικών μετώπων σε πολλά αμερικανικά πόρταλς και έτσι δόθηκε για πρώτη φορά παγκοσμίως μεγάλη δημσιότητα σε ένα από τα πιο παραγνωρισμένα κι άγνωστα αφρικανικά έθνη με μεγάλο παρελθόν που φτάνει στο Αρχαίο Κους (: Αιθιοπία, δηλαδή Σουδάν). Ακόμη και σήμερα Σιντάμα ακτιβιστές κι αγωνιστές αναδημοσιεύουν τα διαφωτιστικά άρθρα εκείνα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη, ο οποίος τώρα βρίσκεται στο Ανατολικό Τουρκεστάν (ΒΔ Κίνα).

 

 



 

Οι Σιντάμα δεν βυθίστηκαν στην σύγχυση που προξένησε στους Ορόμο ο αμερικανικής έμπνευσης διορισμός του εθνοπροδότη Άμπιι Άχμεντ στην πρωθυπουργία του νεκροταφείου εθνών ‘Ψευτο-Αιθιοπία’ (2 Απριλίου 2018). Συνέχισαν όλοι να μάχονται για την εθνική ανεξαρτησία τους. Αντίθετα, πολλοί Ορόμο μπερδεύτηκαν και νόμισαν ότι ο άθλιος διορισμός ενός Ορόμο στην πρωθυπουργία του κράτους που τους είχε κατασφάξει (όπως και τους Σιντάμα) θα σήμαινε πραγματική αλλαγή για το επίσης επί αιώνα και πλέον καταπιεσμένο και καταδιωγμένο έθνος των Ορόμο. Αυτοί ολοένα και περισσότερο διαψεύδονται γιατί ο αμερικανοδιορισμένος Ορόμο πρωθυπουργός της Αβησσυνίας συνεχίζει την τυραννική διακυβέρνηση της χώρας την οποία είχαν για πάνω από ένα αιώνα οι βαρβαρικές φυλές Αμχάρα και Τιγκράυ.



 

Με τα παραπάνω μπορείτε επίσης να καταλάβετε επίσης πόσο άθλια είναι η περίπτωση απονομής του ψευτο-βραβείου Νόμπελ Ειρήνης στον πρωθυπουργό της Αβησσυνίας (ψευτο-Αιθιοπίας). Στο πρώτο από τα κείμενα που παραθέτω στην συνέχεια, θα έχετε την ευκαιρία να δείτε πόσους Σιντάμα σκότωσε μόλις τον περασμένο Ιούλιο ο χασάπης της Ανατολικής Αφρικής που έκλεψε την δόξα των Ζόραν Ζάεφ και Αλέξη Τσίπρα. Προσωπικά, επειδή γνωρίζω καλά τι γίνεται στην Αφρική, θα είχα προτμήσει να το πάρουν αυτοί οι δύο. Όχι γιατί το αξίζουν. Αλλά για να μην πάει σε τόσο ματοβαμμένα χέρια όσο αυτά του Άμπιι Άχμεντ.

 



 

Η κατάσταση παραμένει πάντοτε πολύ τεταμένη στην Χώρα των Σιντάμα, ενώ ολοένα και περισσότεροι Σιντάμα πρόσφυγες φτάνουν από την Αβησσυνία στην Κένυα. Αναδημοσιεύω στην συνέχεια

1- Σύντομες ειδήσεις για τους σκοτωμούς του περασμένου Ιουλίου

2- Ένα δυναμικό πατριωτικό άρθρο του Σιντάμα Γιοχανάν Γιοκάμο (Yohanan Yokamo) υπέρ της ανεξαρτησίας της Sidama Land – Χώρας των Σιντάμα (όπου θα βρείτε αναφορές σε πρότερα άρθρα του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη)

3- Ένα άρθρο του κ. Μεγαλομμάτη για τον Σεγιούμ Χαμέσο (Σιντάμα ιστορικό) και τους διανοούμενους της Διασποράς των Σιντάμα, και

4- Μια δυναμική συνηγορία υπέρ της ανεξαρτησίας των Σιντάμα γραμμένη επίσης από τον κ. Μεγαλομμάτη που περιλαμβάνει και τμήμα συνέντευξης του Σιντάμα ηγέτη Καμπάτα Ξόλα, αρχηγού του Sidama National Liberation Organization (SNLO)

Στο τέλος θα βρείτε επιπλέον συνδέσμους για περισσότερη έρευνα.

 


 

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Ethiopia: At least 17 killed in violence over Sidama autonomy

 

 

A local official says 13 people were killed a day after hospital authorities reported four died of gunshot wounds.

 

At least 17 people have been killed in clashes between Ethiopian security forces and activists seeking a new autonomous region for their Sidama ethnic group, according to a local official and hospital authorities.

 

A local district official told Reuters news agency on Saturday that at least 13 people were killed in a town near Hawassa city, 275 kilometres south of the capital Addis Ababa, while hospital authorities said on Friday that four protesters had died of gunshot wounds in the city itself.

 

Confirming the 13 civilian deaths in Wotera Rassa, located about 27km from Hawassa, Shubale Buta, head of the town’s Malga district, said soldiers were travelling to calm the violence in a nearby town on Thursday.

 

“When they saw people gathered near the roads, they thought they were there to create a problem and that is how the killings happened,” he told Reuters via telephone.

 

A Malga resident said late on Friday he saw 14 bodies after a shooting.

 

“My house is near a field where the people had gathered,” he said.

 

“I was told by people who were there that the military came to the town [on Thursday] and randomly opened fire on people who had gathered and were discussing the referendum,” he added, saying that he later went to the place where the shooting happened and counted the bodies.

 

Shubale said the town was “relatively calm” on Saturday.

 

The Sidama, the largest ethnic group in the southern region, have been calling for a semi-autonomous state, posing the latest political challenge to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

 

Expectations had been high that they would unilaterally declare their own region on Thursday.

 

Ethiopia is already partitioned into nine semi-autonomous regions. The constitution requires the government to organise a referendum for any ethnic group that wants to form a new entity within a year of them requesting it.

 

The Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM), which has been leading calls for the new state, accepted government demands for a delay pending a plebiscite before the end of the year.

 

The federal system in Africa’s second-most populous nation is designed to allow larger ethnic groups a measure of autonomy but smaller communities such as the Sidama say they have been sidelined and some are demanding their own regions.

 

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/07/ethiopia-17-killed-violence-sidama-autonomy-190720170914800.html

 



 

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Ethiopia: The Sidama People, the False Marriage With Nations and Nationalities and the Need for Legal Divorce

 

By Yohanan Yokamo

 

Sidama People are the indigenous Cushitic or Kushitic language speaking Ethiopians. After EPRDF assumed power in 1991 immediately after the transition period, the Sidama nation has been granted its regional self-administration for the brief period of time as per constitution.

 

Only Gedeo and Burji incorporated to it. However, this was only short lived when unexpectedly previously 5 distinct regions of the south were merged all together without consulting the Sidama people and others concerned. Sidama nation was forcefully amalgamated to be one of the zones of Southern Nations and Nationalities and People’s Regional State (SNNPR). Such illegal, undemocratic & forceful amalgamation (marriage) was concluded without the consent of the Sidama People with different nations and nationalities is literary a false marriage. Indeed, the formation of “SNNPR” is inconsistent with FDRE’s constitution, as there is no basis whatsoever to lump the Sidama people together with 55 or so very different ethnic groups.

 

Since its establishment the Sidama people were demanding constitutional referendum to self-govern and administer itself with statehood structure. Still the Sidama nation has continued with their quest with utmost heroism, bravery and unshakable unity. In this regard, the National Election Board is silent and not responding to undertake the referendum according to one year constitutional time framework that about half-a-year ago (in July 2018), members of the Sidama zone council approved unanimously for the second time a request by the Sidama people for regional statehood.

 

The manuscript further discusses the nature of the Sidama people struggle for self-determination and fight against the forced false marriage what further tasks required from Sidama people within constitutional time-table before referendum. It discusses the silence of the national election board of Ethiopia, federal government reluctance and other agenda’s implication to reverse the constitutional process of Sidama people. To this end, there should be quick move peacefully, democratically and legally to divorce of this false marriage and better to form 10th Sidama National Regional State in democratic way.

 

Sidama People: Brief Note

 

The Sidama People are one of the indigenous Cushitic or Kushitic language speaking Ethiopians. (Wolassa Lawisso Kumm (PHD), 2016). The geographic coordinates of the Sidama land are latitude North: 5’45” and 6’45” and longitude East: 38 and 39. Sidama borders the Bale sub region in Oromia in the East, Arsi (Oromia) in the North East and East Shewa (Oromia) in the North. Wolayita, Gedeo and the Oromia region of Borena and Gujji boarder Sidama in the West and South respectively. (Wolassa Lawisso Kumm (PHD), 2016) According to the Ethiopian Central Statistical Agency, Sidama has a population of about 4 million in 2015. (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; Central Statistical Agency, 2013)

 

The Sidama Zone has favorable soil and climatic conditions that are conducive for agriculture. The Sidama people predominantly inhabit two zones in SNNPRS, namely Sidama Zone and Hawassa Special Zone. The Sidama Zone is further sub-divided into 19 Woredas and two city administrations whereas Hawassa Special Zone comprises seven urban sub-cities and twelve rural kebeles. (Markos Tekle Rike (PHD), 2014)

 

The Sidama society is characterized by pervasive gerontocracy in which older generations have served the people for centuries in preserving the moral order. In doing so, the gerontocracy in Sidama emphasizes on decentralized decision-making and consensual rule, and practices far more community participation and rational discourse than the people of nation-states practice. (Hammer, 1998) They used to have an egalitarian political administrative system known as the “Moote” system where the “Mootichcha” is presented to a “Fichche” for “Qeexalaa”.

 

The Mootichcha, assisted by his “Ga’ro” rules in consultation with the council of people’s representatives known as the “Songo”, a council sharing similarities to both the Gada/Chaffee council and modern day parliament. They are also a nation with an indigenous and unimaginably complex systems (even by the standards of postmodernism) like the Luwaa, the Seeraa, the Woma and the Kotta/Shuffo systems that both govern and keep the social, economic and spiritual equilibrium both among themselves and their neighborhood.

 

Concerning female role in Sidama, The customary Sidama tradition offers certain rights including the control of family subsistence, especially dairy products. Women used to be represented in the traditional council of wise people (womu songo). However, like other societies, Sidama too is patriarchal society. (Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis (June 5, 2007)) Though the society recognizes the significant role of women in families and society, the gender role granted for the woman is more of related with preparing food, cleaning, taking care of children, and taking care of her husband and gusts. (Book: Ye Sidama Biher Tarik ena Bahil) However, today it’s common to see many female scholars, activists and influential figures coming from the Sidama Society.

 

 

 



 

For the past 27 years, the Sidama nation was forcefully amalgamated to be one of the zones of the south with more than 55 distinct nations and nationalities of the entire southern Ethiopia who are given pseudonym known as Southern Nations and Nationalities and People’s Regional State (herein referred as SNNPR in this paper). Prior to it after EPRDF assumed power in 1991 immediately after the transition period, the Sidama nation has been granted its regional self-administration for the brief period of time as per constitution. Only Gedeo and Burji incorporated to it. As Gedeo and Burji are known to be culturally and linguistically similar with Sidama, therefore, it makes sense for having done so.

 

However, this was only short lived when unexpectedly previously 5 distinct regions of the south were merged all together without consulting the Sidama nation and others concerned by the decision of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. The zone council pushed the quest for a separate regional status all the way to the Council of Nationalities until the late prime minster intervened. (Aalen ‘The Politics of Ethnicity pg. 153)

 

However, important principles exist in the FDRE Constitution that provides the right to form its own statehood that the Sidama People unlike other nation and nationalities in the region has strongly requesting to exercise constitutional right in democratic way. Thus, unlike the other times, however, this is a critical time and the Sidama people are in the verge of writing a new chapter in their history book. About half-a-year ago (in July 2018), members of the Sidama zone council approved unanimously (for the second time – the first one being in 2005) a request by the Sidama people for regional statehood. (Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019)

 

The issue was an agenda item in a subsequent “SNNPR” council’s meeting as well. After brief deliberation, the SNNPR council endorsed the decision taken by the Sidama zone to National Election Board for referendum. To this end, many academician and politicians at different level forwarded their point that this issue has been dragging on for many years and, therefore, deserve an expedited resolution per constitutional guidelines.

The Nature of the Sidama People Struggle for Self-determination and Fight against the Forced False Marriage

The widely accepted narration through stories and tales by the Sidama elders and scholars about their experience and historical memory within Ethiopia is one of repression and discrimination. Yet the Ethiopian official discourse does not address the problem save concealing it by selectively memorizing events and course of actions that justify its line of choice. (Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis (June 5, 2007))


 


The Sidama’s had demanded and fought bravely for their freedom, from the very first day they had fallen to subject-hood under SNNPR and the current quest of the Sidama for a separate region is part and parcel of the Sidama people struggle for self-determination. They also have fought for self-determination and statehood for years, paying huge sacrifices while so doing. The memory of Looqe massacre (2002) is still a fresh one and led by Baalichcha Worawo’s courageous spirits, young Sidaanchoos and freedom fighters like ‘Ejjeetto group, in Sidaamu Affo Language’ led by personalities selected from Sidama people at different level are still at struggle even as we speak!!

 

However since the said illegal and unconstitutional arrangement was imposed on Sidama and the entire Sidama people didn’t stop demanding their constitutional rights to be reinstalled although no success was achieved. In the letter dated 08/11/97 members of the Sidama Zonal Counicil have combined history, geography and injustice against the group, particularly with respect to group’s share of the subsidy from the federal government and wholesale dehumanization of the group by the regional state’s officials to receive distinct regional status. (Yared Legesse: Secession under the Federal and Sub-national Constitutions of Ethiopia: pg. 125)

 

As we speak all segments of Sidama people are demanding these denied rights. Therefore, the nation youth and old alike continue to push forward the arrangement to be dismantled and the Sidama nation be the owner of its own affairs. However, the EPDRF government disregarding the provision of these rights in its constitution articles 39 and 47, brutally suppresses the Sidama nation and continually tortures its people when they raise these legal and legitimate questions. Sometime also the regime tries to hoodwink the Sidama people by using the Sidama cadres whom it has handpicked to install them at the regional and zone levels to make them to do its jobs.

 

For example, when the ‘massacre’ of peaceful and unarmed Sidama civilians demonstrating against the denial of constitutional rights to regional self-administration in Loqqe village (out skirt of Sidama capital -Hawassa city), has been committed by the regime’s defense and police forces, on May 24, 2002; the entire people of the Sidama nation was united.

 

The numbers of needlessly, but brutally murdered Sidama civilians were over 70 and others several hundreds were wounded for which no one held into account to this date. The Sidama nation has witnessed unprecedented violations and abuse of the rights of its people. Mass imprisonment, torture, harassment and intimidation were rampant; the abuse of human rights continued to date because the Sidama people as a nation have intensified their struggle for regional self-determination. (W. L. Kumo, 2007)

 

Recently in July 28, 2018, the Sidama Zone Votes for Statehood for the second time. The Sidama Zone Council has unanimously voted in favor of the quest for statehood in this day. It is a welcome development, and I hope there is no Sidama person who reasonably objects to this people’s demand and aspiration for statehood. No one, including from the leaders to the community member (both at the Federal and SNNPRS level) or anybody else for that matter, can stand against the just demands of the people. Furthermore, since culture is an intrinsic part of life and awareness of individuals and communities. It is a living asset of past and present creative activity, which has shaped the system of values, traditions and tastes that define the distinctive genius of people over the centuries. Thus culture is bound to make an imprint on economic activity and define the strength and weaknesses of a society’s productive process. (Federico Mayor, Director General of UNESCO 1989)

 

To this end, The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) that is currently at work clearly specifies that all nations, nationalities and peoples enjoy recognition and equal legal protection including the freedom to develop and preserve their identity and enhance the unabridged use and enrichment of their cultures and languages. (Art. 39 FDRE Constitution) In this regard, what the Sidama People requires is consistent with the Constitution and is to make economic progress and develop its culture.

 

Indeed, the Sidama question is a just and legitimate question. It is a question to exercise their constitutionally recognized right to statehood (via self-determination and self-governance). It is no exaggeration to say that this is the culmination of the age old expression of the Sidama people’s aspiration to achieve self-governance. Moreover, the formation of “SNNPR” is inconsistent with FDRE’s constitution, as there is no basis whatsoever to lump the Sidama people together with 55 or so very different ethnic groups and collectively refer to all of them as “southern people”. This is downright wrong and must be corrected. (Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019)

 

The above recent Sidama’s decision is only forwarding step in a series of activities towards conducting a referendum on the matter. Technically, the case has been submitted to the Council of Nationalities for passing the case to referendum according to FDRE Constitution that this council has passed the case to National Election Board. Once the decision is obtained, a referendum shall be organized within a year (Article 39 & 47 FDRE Constitution,). If the referendum confirms the demand for separate statehood (which is the most likely outcome), then Sidama automatically becomes the 10th State constituting the Ethiopian Federation, thereby injecting an informal amendment to (at least) Article 47 of the FDRE constitution.

 

There are those who are deriding, mocking, or otherwise undermining this decision today. The Sidama never demanded anything outside of their own legitimate rights. However, as a community, Sidama people have not done anything to harm any other people or groups’ rights or interests. But many attempts have made to create conflict between non- Sidama people living in Sidama area. Such attempts are not uncommon in Ethiopia today.

 

It has now become evident that the country has been buzzing with the various changes. (Ambaye Ogato (PhD), 2018) Despite these avalanche of changes, however, there have been, and continued to be, some chilling news of conflicts and violence in many parts of the country that have made it to various media outlets and the social media. (Ambaye Ogato (PhD), 2018) The recent conflict between the Wolaita and the Sidama is a famous conflict that has covered much coverage albeit the Sidama’s that has been accommodating the Wolayta and other ethnic groups peacefully. Dr. Ambaye argued that most Sidama think that the Wolayta are conspiring to abort the Sidama quest for regional status. Apart from this there is no real or perceived quagmire in the relationship between the two ethnic groups.

However, there is no pressing reason why others can object to Sidama people aspiration for statehood. The Sidama have a just cause. To this end, the Sidama People has no space to no one to be allowed to intimidate them or to shame them for demanding their rights. Furthermore, no one with sane mind would argue that it is illegitimate and I would not indulge into that sort of notoriety which is too cheap because the demand of the Sidama people according to the Ethiopian constitution is legitimate and legal, which needs to be addressed by granting it. (Ambaye Ogato (PhD), 2018)


 


What Further Tasks Required from Sidama People within Constitutional Time-table before or right after Referendum

 

While the process granting is going on, the Sidama People may do well to:

 

A. Start a good faith negotiation about borders with other regions (especially the manner, duration, and terms of cohabitation, at least temporarily, as a boundary of Sidama National Regional State and SNNPRS and between other surrounding Oromia Region).

 

B. The modes of protection to be accorded to minorities, i.e., non-Sidamas, residing in the region. In order to address the issue of minority and adjust adequate guarantees to the rights of their intra-unit minorities, the Sidama people has to carefully study the history, socio-economic, demographic and political position of Sidama Zone and its capital, Hawassa city and other citizens living in Sidama National Regional State.

 

C. Draft, adopts, and enacts its constitution;

 

D. Constitute its government institutions and structure, and assign officials as appropriate accordingly.

 

It is hoped that the recent Sidama Zone’s unanimous decision today will open up a new chapter in the development of the country’s constitutional processes and the jurisprudence thereof. However, within many threats, the Sidama people community would not be stopped from demanding what they deserve. Instead, it makes the nation stronger enough to keep demanding their fundamental right to decide on their own affairs until they achieve it. Therefore, in the kind of struggle the Sidama youth and freedom fighter (‘Ejeetto’ group in Sidaamu Affo Language) is highly engaged; the youth simultaneously can best promote the image of Sidama nation and appeal its concern to the international and national bodies.

 

Although the Sidama youth experienced repeated setbacks whilst doing so, during their pursuit of justice for their own nation, to date they aren’t in agreement with the decisions of those who are in power. The Sidama youth rather keeps pushing for better governance, justice and rule of law in Sidama land and beyond. The Sidama youth keeps pushing for the constitutional rights to be fully materialized as per constitution of the country until the Sidama is regionally self-administrative and is in position to manage its own resources and all-round affairs.

 

Silence of the National Election Board of Ethiopia, Federal Government Reluctance and Other Agenda’s Implication to Reverse the Constitutional Process of Sidama People

 

Concerning the Sidama people political movement to establish its own regional statehood, it’s possible to benefit Ethiopia in terms of improving development, security and peace in the area. However, why does the federal government look reluctant and what is the national electoral board doing in relation to addressing the case is being forwarded to the federal government – namely the National Election Board (NEB) to formally set a date for referendum. According to article 47(3/a) of FDRE’s constitution, referendum should be held within one-year from the time the request has been approved by people’s representatives (in this case the Sidama zone council). Six months have passed since this happened.

 

And yet, no official pronouncements from NEB which, surprisingly, has chosen to remain silent on an issue of this magnitude. We know reform is taking place at NEB, including installment of a new chairperson, but not to be able to announce at least a tentative date for referendum? Come on. This is simply not acceptable. (Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019) Delay of the referendum is opening a door for many illegal as well as unrepresentative people to create a chaos in the region in guise of Sidama people right. Thus, the National Election Board should quickly respond and arrange referendum for the Sidama People in accordance with the constitutional principles.

 

It is also good to look a bit closely into the claims that many other nation in SNNPR or others working to reverse the quest of the Sidama people for its own statehood in different way. For instance, other nations like Wolayita, Keffa and Gurage in the SNNPR have made similar demands like Sidama people. Many arguments being made that the case that these nations made similar question for independent region might create a challenge the demand of Sidama. However, such arguments luck to consider that Sidama request to its own region is a constitutional and legal question unless such consideration might be seen as it contains anti-democratic elements that are blindly opposed to this legit question.

 

Furthermore, by looking one of the scholar commentary on the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC), one can get a look why many in one or other way working to reverse the quest of the Sidama people for its own statehood and self-governance legal question in the process. In this regard, Dr. Wolassa pointed out that the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, supposedly a non-government organization created to defend the human rights of all Ethiopian citizens and uphold and protect the constitution of the country with diligence and without fear or favour, miserably failed to live up to any of these ethos.

 

In it’s so called “146th Special Report” on the unrest in Sidama in June 2018 and in other parts of the country recently, the council squandered an opportunity to conduct a professional and objective assessment of what unfolded in Sidama. Instead, the commission exclusively dwelt on a one sided anti-Sidama narrative purported by anti-peace and anti-reform elements that were hell bent to derail the quest of the Sidama nation for regional self-administration. (Wolassa Lawisso (PHD) 2019)

 

Crucially, as one scholar reflected to show the Sidama people rejection of the EHRC report and in existing awareness within the people that the Sidama people are fully aware that any attempt to harass the Sidama people, including the biased report published by Ethiopian Human Rights Watch (“ኢሰመጉ), for standing their ground for the cause they deeply care about is nothing more than politically motivated tactic to shift the focus of our people away from their legit question. (Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019)

 

It is important to reasonable person to note that the Sidama people’s quest for regional self-determination should only be addressed through constitutional means. Any resort to abort or challenge the constitutional rights of Sidama people to restore and secure regionally status is totally unacceptable.

 

Concluding Remarks

 

Finally, the Sidama people’s persistent struggle for political and economic equality in Ethiopia has been around for a long time. To this end, I would like to urge all those keen observers with clean minds and hearts to work in addressing the constitutional question of Sidama People and support the recent Sidama’s divorce proceeding to end the non-consensual false marriage imposed on the Sidama people with more than 55 distinct nations and nationalities.

 

Therefore, the repeated denial of the said constitutional rights of the Sidama nation to regional self-administration is one of the driving-forces in uniting the Sidama youth and freedom fighters at different levels (‘Ejeetto’ in Sidaamu Affo Language) and other segments of the society, further shaping and reinforcing their nationalism and national identity. Thus, it’s possible to say that the Sidama youth can be the owner of its destiny and can shape its futurity by rejecting all forms of injustices imposed on Sidama people as a nation. It is also pretty obvious that, the role of this young generation in figuring out and controlling how their land and region is being democratically and justly being administrated. The role of the Sidama youth therefore cannot be under-emphasized. They have high acceptance from the majority of the community members.

 

To be precise, the Sidama nation in the current political establishment as previously known doesn’t exist with self-governance and administering itself under abusing and undemocratic SNNPR structure. Having a handpicked SNNPR’s Sidama and non-Sidama cadres or rulers merely serving the interest of the ruler whilst torturing and defaming the Sidama civilians and wider community members never constitute representation and working to create historical grievances between Sidama People and with those who shared among Sidama People.

 

In contrary, those could help build a strong, if not unbreakable, bond between the Sidama people and others are still silent and wrongly acting against the Sidama People. Therefore, the genuine Sidama nation’s quest for regional self-administration is morally and politically strong which will continue for generations to come if unresolved in time until the Sidama’s false marriage dissolution proceeding! The Sidama nation will continue with their quest with utmost heroism, bravery and unshakable unity to end the false marriage imposed into it with more than 55 distinct nation and nationalities.

 

(Hoola Halaleho / In Sidama’s Truth)

 

Reference

 

Aalen ‘The Politics of Ethnicity’

 

Ambaye Ogato (PhD),COMMENTARY: SIDAMA-WOLAYTA CONFLICT: A PRISTINE MYTH TURNING INTO REALITY? HOOLA HALALEHO

 

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis (June 5, 2007): Seyoum Hameso and the Sidama Diaspora Intellectuals

 

Hammer: Sidama People, 1998

 

Markos Tekle Rike (PHD), State-Society Relations and Traditional Modes of Governance in Ethiopia: A Case Study of Sidama 2014

 

Office Book titled ‘Ye Sidama Biher Tarik ena Bahil’

 

Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019)’High Hopes for Referendum to Resolve the Sidama People’s Quest for Regional Statehood Despite the Surprising Silence of the National Election Board of Ethiopia’

 

Wolassa Lawisso (PHD, 2019): The Ethiopian Human Rights Council Abuses the Human Rights of the Sidama Nation in its 146th Partisan Report.

 

Wolassa Lawisso Kummo, “The Sidama Nation: History, Culture and Political Economy” 2016

 

Yared Legesse (LLB, LLM, S.J.D): ‘Secession under the Federal and Sub-national Constitutions of Ethiopia: Navigating the Distance between Text and Structure’

 

Online Source:

 

Federico Mayor, Director General of UNESCO 1989, accessed on December, 2018)

 

Editor’s Note: Yohanan Yokamo is a lecturer in Law, Hawassa University, School of Law; LL.B, BSc, LLM Candidate (HU); HU Free Legal Aid Supervisor, and Research Fellow at the Young African Leaders Network (YALINet).

https://allafrica.com/stories/201901150814.html


 


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Seyoum Hameso and the Sidama Diaspora Intellectuals

 

By Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

(initially published in the American Chronicle on 5/6/2007)

 

Although small in numbers, the African Nation of the Sidamas features some of the most perspicacious and sagacious intellectuals of the Black Continent. Either close to the authentic source of Wisdom, the Old Sidama Land that currently bears evidence to the barbaric Abyssinian cruelty, or dispersed in the four corners of the planet, among their Diaspora, Sidama Intellectuals through books, websites, articles, speeches and conferences remind to all of us that in the southernmost confines of the Abyssinian Hell, we can still find a Shelter of Humanity and Noblesse. The landlocked nation, confined among the Oromos, Kenya and Sudan, outnumbers many European countries in terms of population.

 

The entire world will be a richer and fairer place, if the Sidamas have their own representative in the African Union and the United Nations. To rediscover the most original noblesse of Africa and the Sidama world that livs among us in the West, we should go through the excellent paper of the illustrious Sidama intellectual, Mr. Seyoum Hameso, and encounter the Sidama Diaspora and their peaceful national and cultural endeavours. We reproduce here Mr. Hameso’s paper integrally.

 

Diaspora identity formation and forced flight of Sidamas

 

1. Introduction

 

The Sidama diaspora refers to people of Sidama descent who live outside Sidama-Ethiopia. The majority of Sidama diaspora members have been forced to leave their homeland due to political repression with few exceptions who migrated in search of better opportunities. Yet nearly all of them face the condition of exile or what Edward Said calls “being somebody away from the place that he was born and belonged to” (Said 2001). In the words of Greg Gow, the diaspora experience can be dystopic: “loss, anguish, divided loyalties and the longing for cohesion and community feature in the lives of displaced people. In the host country, experiences of discrimination, exclusion and invisibility negatively constitute diaspora consciousness” (Gow 2004:304).

 

The essay explores the experiences of the Sidama diaspora based on personal experience, observation and discussion with Sidamas. It compares and constrasts the cultures of exile of other comparative diaspora groups such as the Oromos, Somalis, Palestinians and Iranians.

 

The essay starts by describing the contested territories of history and identity, nation and homeland. It then examines the flight and forced migration of Sidamas followed by analysis of the creation of the Sidama diaspora, their settlements, and their cultural projects. It finally concludes with findings that relate to broader themes and comparative cultures of exile. Since no study has been done on Sidama diaspora, this is an original attempt, and as such generalizations and conclusions are tentative and open to further research.

 

2. Who are Sidamas?

 

 The Sidamaland is situated in north-eastern Africa (Ethiopia) where there is deep contest and conflict over identity, including the population size. The Sidama population is estimated to be over 5 million; and they are one of the major Kushitic speaking people in Ethiopia, a country of over 70 million. The Sidama people believe to belong to Sidama country, or the Sidamaland.

 

The Sidama are a persecuted ethno-national group; their condition resembles that of the Oromos in Ethiopia who “are perhaps the most recent, least known and most disadvantaged immigrant group.” Gow (2004:302). The Sidama have all the necessary components of a nation: a land, a unique culture, language, history, and a people with common descent. In this sense, they are a nation and a people without state. Like Palestinians, Sidamas lacked a political roof of their own or autonomous political decision making and face discrimination and violation of human rights.

 

The Sidama nation, its people including its diaspora, its history and culture are scarcely known. Sidama studies were virtually non-existent even for academic purposes for two reasons. First, the introduction of education and the emergence of enlightened nationalists were late in comparison to other regions in Ethiopia. Secondly, the Ethiopian historiography had no room for the development of non-Abyssinian (mainly Amhara and Tigrean) cultures. Worse still, it had circumvented and undermined their knowledge production by isolating the Sidama from the world for more than a century, although recently its children scattered around the world are bringing their experiences to bear and their presence felt.

 

National identity is hotly contested in Ethiopia resulting in competing claims, counter-claims and persistent struggle. The official Ethiopianist discourse projects the authenticity and historicity of Ethiopian nation to three thousand years. The myth of descent from the so-called Solomonic dynasty is frequently mentioned to build an image of national continuity and a unique civilisation (Zewde 2002).

 

On the other hand, Sidama and Oromo scholars (e.g. Holcomb and Ibssa 1990, Hameso and Hassen 2006) draw distinction between modern Ethiopia and the historic Abyssinia (Amharas and Tigreans). The Sidamaland had fallen under the formerly Abyssinian and later Ethiopian rule since 1893. This came about after the war of conquest undertaken by Emperor Menelik II of Shawa, Central Ethiopia. The system that emerged was based on “physical appropriation of land and the pursuit of cultural hegemony” (Gow 2004:303) of Orthodox Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. The same system resulted in the decimation and forced displacement of millions of Oromos, Sidamas and others who resisted the conquest.

 

The subsequent nation-building project was pursued through the policy of assimilation and homogenization, mainly into Amhara culture. Successive attempts to homogenise the Ethiopian nation along Amharic culture and language meant that languages such as the Sdiama were relegated or suppressed alongside the political importance of the peoples speaking them. The social and political subordination of Sidama people caused their economic dispossession and inevitable resistance. Resistance to apartheid style discriminatory political framework took the form of national liberation struggles and the formation of several liberation fronts in different parts of Ethiopia including Eritrea, Tigray, Afar, Oromo, Sidama and Ogaden who waged wars with centrist and unitarist regimes in Addis Ababa. The prevalence of domination and repression created a multitude of diasporas.


 


3. The Forced Flight of Sidamas

 

Large scale forced displacement in sizeable numbers in manners comparable to Palestinians, Somalis or even Oromos is not the case for Sidamas. Yet, the history of conquest, subjugation, violation of human rights and cultural suppression meant that conflicts and liberation struggles led to forced displacement of Sidamas from their homeland.

 

The majority of Sidamas who are involved in trans-national flight constitute of refugees and asylum seekers, followed by increasing number of voluntary migrants to the West under voluntary resettlement schemes such as the U.S. Lottery DV programs. Labour migration is unheard of from Sidama until recent times. Indeed, unlike Somali communities who are reported to have “a strong culture of migration” (Horst 2006:1), trans-national border crossing and labour migration of Sidamas have been limited. Yet, due to a combination of reasons including rights violation and economic depravation, Sidamas are undertaking costly flights to different destinations.

 

Historically, the first wave of migration from Sidama took place in 1977 following the clampdown of political dissidents by the military Derg which took power in 1974 and led by col. Mengistu Hailemariam. The destination was Somalia and the number of involved persons is estimated to be over ten thousand comprising, mainly of peasants with a handful of educated persons as leaders. The group formed the Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM). After receiving military training in Somalia, many of them had returned to Sidama as freedom fighters conducting armed struggle in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Led from Somalia, the struggle was short-lived and came to end in 1982. The Barre regime supported the SLM and later the refugees by offering them training, equipment and land. Initially, the movement laid the basis for written Sidama language literacy in the refugee camps. Moreover, pamphlets and Sidama language radio broadcast propaganda work started in the early 1980s followed by the creation of popular music.

 

The second wave of Sidama refugees, took place after the change of regime in Ethiopia in 1991. This round of flight was precipitated by local and regional factors. Locally, cautious optimism prevailed among Sidamas who believed that the regime led by the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (the TPLF, the key rebel movement in the overthrow of the Derg regime) will lead to the resolution of their predicament; but this was not meant to be and many fled TPLF-instigated persecution later. On the regional level, the fall of the Siad Barre regime in Somalia in 1990 was followed by turmoil and civil war and the disintegration of the Somalian state. Then hundreds of Sidamas returned to Ethiopia in 1991 when the SLM joined the newly formed Transitional Government. Others, who integrated into Somali society and were given farmlands, remained in Somalia while others fled to Kenya’s refugee camps such as Kakuma. For Sidama refugees in such refugee camps, resettlement in the safe third country had become the most desired option. Through the offices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Kenya, the governments of Norway, USA, Canada and Australia received many refugees for resettlement.

 

While Sudan has been the main route or destination of Ethiopian refugees, very few Sidama refugees or migrants traveled to or through Sudan. Even those who did in the late 1970s traveled back to Kenya and eventually resettled in the U.S. The most common route of Sidama refugee flow has been south of the border (either into Kenya or Somalia) rather than the north (either Sudan or Egypt – most refugees from Ethiopia who did go north have been and are Ethiopians from the North and West).

 

In the UK, there were a handful of Sidamas in the 1980s but this changed in the 1990s. Following the second wave of refugee flows, stated above, a new breed of people arrived in the UK mostly through regular channels of migration. In the U.S. and Canada, the Sidama diaspora consist of a combination of former refugees from Somalia and voluntary migrants through the Green Card Lottery or Diversity Immigrant Visa Programme followed by family reunions and sponsorship. In Italy, there are fewer than 100 Sidama migrants, mostly women who took up religious path to migration (they migrated through Catholic Church and seminary training but decided to remain there). Some applied for asylum while others remained irregular and engaged in low-skill, low-paid jobs. Yet most are supportive of their relatives in Sidama. Other European countries in which Sidamas reside include Germany, Norway, and Ireland.

 

Despite the lack of structured study into the varied background of Sidama diaspora, anecdotal evidence and personal observation show that most refugees faced similar predicament at one time or another: uprooting, and deprivation. According to Mekuria Bulcha (2006:40), “uprooting is more than a physical absence from home. It is a predicament which concerns the inner balance of the individual. In other words, it involves an emotional crisis caused by the individual’s separation from his/her natural physical and social environment and a psychological problem of adjusting to the new one.” In addition, forced migrants in particular face the problem of discontinuity which constitutes multiple disruptions of life-goals including marriage, family life, careers and education.

 

4. The Development of Written Narratives

 

Most Sidama refugees descend from rural communities where social relations are closely knit and life is based on strong sense of solidarity and interdependence. These values and worldviews accompany them to the destinations that host them.

 

A. Literacy and communication among the diaspora

 

In oral cultures such as that of Sidama, an important medium of communication is the word of mouth. It also means that oral and visual communication methods are more popular among people with limited literacy and access to print media. For those who have the skills to use modern information technology, internet is the most important source of information of news and developments about the homeland. Most of the people this writer has contact with, deploy Internet to search for information or they rely on electronic communication. Telephony is the other major medium communication. It is effective means of trans-national network building and maintaining links with relatives and friends in the homeland.

 

The Sidama language was developed in written form in 1991, following the decision by the Transitional Government which consisted of Oromo and Sidama political leaders who were later forced out of government in 1992. The role of individuals such as Mr Ibsa Gutama who was the then Minister of Education and a member of the Oromo Liberation Front was vital in this decision. The written Sidama uses Latin alphabet in contrast to Giiz or Ethiopic scripts used for Amharic and other Semitic languages.

 

B. Expression of longing through music and scholarship

 

The development of Sidama music outside Sidama had started with refugees in Somalia. The most famous singer who later returned to Sidama in 1991 was Adunya Dumo. Much of his music is informed by exile experience in Somalia in the 19809s and it is filled with expressions of loneliness, uncertainty, uprootedness, nostalgia and desire to return to the homeland. In his music, he refers to Sidamaland as a motherland, mother, innocent, and love. A significant degree of idealisation of homeland is evident in his songs. Upon his return, Adunya was received with great enthusiasm and as a hero. When relations with the Ethiopian regime and the political movement he was associated soured, Adunya encountered conflict with the political and social environment. He then retreated to life of alcohol abuse and unemployment. Adunya’s story is similar to the Palestinian youth who returned to occupied homeland and felt disillusioned though in recent times some countries such as the UK have restricted the latter.

 

In the Sidama diaspora, some people listen to Adunya’s music to express their longing for homeland. The imported music audios, and video cassettes are played on social events such as marriage ceremonies and political rallies. Some people buy foods items or import prepared food from home. There are also many Sidamas with no immediate desire to return yet still keep the collective memory by producing scholarly works on Sidama, writing about its history and informing the wider world about the Sidama people. Indeed, Sidama diaspora intellectuals participate in various community projects including the production of knowledge through literature. In co-operation with like-minded other diaspora scholars, the Sidama scholars write articles, participate in international conferences and events. They conduct nationalist discourse by word of mouth and by written texts (i.e. books, essays, newsletters and internet discussion groups). Websites such as the Sidama Online (www.sidama.org) and the Sidama Concern (www.sidamaconcern.com) are the products of such initiatives. The aims of The Sidama Concern, for example, are:

 

To collate, analyse and disseminate information of relevance to the Sidama of North East Africa;

 

To serve as a means of communication between Sidamas and the outside world in manners that can be progressively useful to Sidama people at home and in diaspora;

 

To promote dialogue on the causes of justice, peace, democracy and development; and,

 

To create awareness about freedom of expression and human rights issues in this part of Africa.

 

In this regard, Edward Said is right when he wrote: “Much of exile’s life is taken up with compensating for disorienting loss by creating a new world to rule. It is not surprising that so many exiles seem to be novelists, chess players, political activists and intellectuals” (Said 2000:181).

 

C. Political mobilisation

 

Sidama forced migrants recall human rights violations in the form of political persecution, war, forced resettlement and villagization. In the 1970s and 1980s, they faced brutal repression by Ethiopian military regime with the support of the former Soviet Union. Since 1991, they have faced equally brutal suppression by the Tigrayan-dominated Ethiopia government which is supported by financial backing from the Western countries. The ongoing political problems forced many a diaspora to participate in politics, by leading and guiding as well as mobilizing local and international support for the Sidama cause both in the diaspora and in Sidama.

 

The significant event that caused widespread uproar was the Looqe massacre of 24 May 2002. The massacre of about 100 Sidama civilians by Ethiopian government forces caused indignation not only among the Sidamas but also among the international community. The most active members of the Sidama diaspora collected signatures, contacted the UK government and canvassed for support from UK national and European Union parliamentarians. Repression and rights violations still continue even after the May 2005 elections of Ethiopia.

 

While such tragedies bring people together, the Sidama diaspora, like other diasporas, entertain diverse political outlooks. This resulted in different loyalties and minor discrepancies in approaches. Competition and political rivalry among groups and along regional lines have negatively impacted on the cause, not least among members of the diaspora communities. Yet all groups and supporters believe in the shared problem of suppression and violation of human rights by Ethiopian regimes.

 

D. Gender, social networks and community formations

 

Most Sidama women migrate to join their husbands. The customary Sidama tradition offers certain rights including the control of family subsistence, especially diary products. Women used to be represented in the traditional council of wise people (womu songo). However, like other societies, Sidama too is patriarchal society and women do not inherit land which is owned by the Ethiopian state anyway.

 

In the diaspora, men are often the breadwinners of families. It is not very common to have single parent families in Sidama, there are a few single parent families among Sidama diaspora. Family breakdown is rare, but it exists.

 

There are some harmful practices including female circumcision which takes place when a woman marries a man. The health hazards associated with such a practice is increasingly publicized and many an educated people have or are abandoning the practice.

 

In a communal society like that of the Sidama, the social networks including relations and friends support community members. Individual remittances and community activities directed at improving the lives of kin and kith in the homeland are common. This is despite the fact that many diaspora members are preoccupied with basic daily living while others managed to enable themselves to create knowledge about Sidamaland and give meaning to their own situation.

 

The formation and running of community organizations has not been quite successful as political rivalries and conflicts permeate social and community life. People who know each other, but divided along political lines find it less controversial and the least risky to pursue religious path than political causes. Thus churches attract more followers than political demonstrations.

 

5. Integration and Myth of Return

 

One of the achievements of the Derg regime in the late 1970s and early 1980s has been the expansion of mass literacy programs to large sections of Ethiopia. The literacy campaign has impact on peoples of the periphery of Ethiopian politics, mainly in the rural areas. Yet such basic literacy is no feat for literacy and numeracy levels required in the West for well meaning integration in societies that host these people. As the result they remain unemployed and dependent on social welfare benefits. Some adults, especially women who lacked formal schooling, engage in irregular labor market often at low wages sometimes below minimum wages. English is their second or the third language.

 

Sidama diasporas in London and other parts of the world exhibit different levels of integration to host societies. Many, who came to UK with higher education degrees, have proceeded to do post-graduate studies to bolster their life chances. It is also the case that most of the migrants to UK are either educated and leaders or members of Sidama political movements; most arrive as single men and joined by their families later. Many took part in paid and unpaid work. Still there are many who are not in gainful employment.

 

Young generations pass through the mainstream education system, and some aspire for a university education. But older generations find integration difficult. Those who are over 60 years old, wish their stay to be short and temporary. Their adaptation and integration is hard to achieve due to language and cultural barriers not to mention problems of job skills and lack of access to opportunities. They constantly feel estranged and seek information and contact with the homeland. As the result, they often get involved in politics.

 

Despite generational and gender issues, most Sidamas in exile left behind families, social networks and cultural resources. Deprived of these vital resources, they have to struggle to forge new identities and relations in a foreign, sometimes hostile social and political environment. In the new environment, they attained physical security and safety being away from harms way at the cost of loss of family and community social security of the homeland.

 

The diaspora who live in the West enjoy the rights denied at home including freedom of expression, association, and organization for the first time. They make use of human agency and enabled themselves articulating the cause, not only of their own but also of those left behind and left without voice. Through this agency, diaspora members of concerned groups created community, political, and scholarly organizations to openly define and defend their individual and collective interests and the Sidama national interest in foreign lands. The diaspora also helped the Sidama people build bridges that connect them to the global community. In the era of globalization they use developments in communication technologies to forge close linkages among themselves on the global level.

 

Conclusions

 

The Horn of Africa has been ravaged by conflict and violence since the 1970s and the 1980s. Deteriorating life conditions associated with famine and political upheaval and civil war led to forced displacement of people in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. Ethiopia in particular is a complex arena of conflict, wars and deprivation.

 

The widely accepted narration through stories and tales by the Sidama elders and scholars about their experience and historical memory within Ethiopia is one of repression and discrimination. Yet the Ethiopian official discourse does not address the problem save concealing it by selectively memorizing events and course of actions that justify its line of choice. National identity is hotly contested and led to conflicts and wars causing forced migration and the formation of Sidama diaspora. More significantly, government repression and violence forced thousands to abandon their homes to escape conscription, starvation and death by seeking refuge elsewhere. They are now scattered around the globe, particularly in Africa, Europe, Australia and North America. As the result, the base of the Sidama diaspora community is expanding both in number and diversity.

 

The flight routes and destinations of refugees are predicated largely not on their choice but the geographic and historical proximity of host countries. Countries such as the US, Canada, Australia and Norway had established procedures to identify and receive refugees from camps recognized by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Other factors include: contacts, relations, income, and information people have of host countries. It is notable that such information is often meager, less comprehensive and at times inaccurate.

 

On becoming part of the Sidama diaspora, some refugees, asylums seekers and migrants take part in political or human rights activism. Others form community organizations supporting relatives and friends in the homeland through remittances. Musicians and intellectuals played a great role in the imagination of nationhood, studying the roots of Sidama people, its homeland, observing and announcing national tragedies and enforcing the sense of national obligation.

 

In sum, the role of Sidama diaspora has increased in the era of globalization which is characterized by developments in information, communication and transportation technologies that have reduced the relevance of physical boundaries. By developing cultural iconography, campaigning for human rights, and advocating for change or political progress, the Sidama intellectuals have played a great role at times giving voice to the voiceless, the invisible and the oppressed. Yet a lot remains to be done to develop literature, art, music and other cultural productions.

 

References

Bulcha, Mekuria. 2006. “Conquest and forced migration: An assessment of the Oromo experience”. In Seyoum Hameso and Mohammed Hassen (eds). Arrested development in Ethiopia: Essays on underdevelopment, democracy and self-determination. Trenton, Asmara: Red Sea Press. pp:27-56.

Hameso, Seyoum. 2006. “The Sidama Nation: An Introduction.” In Seyoum Hameso and Mohammed Hassen (eds). Arrested Development in Ethiopia…pp.57-75.

Horst, Cindy. 2006. Buufis amongst Somalis in Dadaab: The transnational and historical logics behind resettlement dreams. Journal of Refugee Studies. 19(2), 1-15.

Gow, Greg. 2004. Translocations of affirmation: Mediascapes and cultural flows among the stateless Oromo, International Journal of Cultural Studies. 7(3), 301–319.

Holcomb, Bonnie, and Sisai Ibssa. 1990. The Invention of Ethiopia. Trenton, NJ Red Sea Press.

Said, Edward. 2000. “Reflections in exile.” In Edward Said, Reflections on exile and other essays. London: Granta.

 

Said, Edward. 2001. “Interview: Reflections on exile and other essays” June 17. Available on: Zewde, Bahru. 2002. History of modern Ethiopia, 1855–1991, Second Edition. Oxford: James Currey Publishers.

https://worancha.blogspot.com/2010/11/seyoum-hameso-and-sidama-diaspora.html 



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Ethiopian Sidamas Reject Amhara / Tigray Abyssinian Tyranny

 

By Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

August 26, 2007

 

As Tigray tribal tyrant Meles Zenawi’s ailing regime entered in its last days, a great number of political heads and national liberation leaders of numerous oppressed peoples rise in the Horn of Africa region that gives these days the impression of an exploding volcano.

 

It is extremely urgent for the oppressed Ethiopian Kushitic peoples’ leaderships to definitely outmaneuver and irreversibly cancel the murderous and inhuman plans of the Kinijit Amharas, who – unable to repent and ask for forgiveness – dream of a comeback. Shamelessly masqueraded as ‘democrats’ and/or ‘liberals’, the Kinijit thugs are Africa’s most excruciating political fossils who want to drive Abyssinia from Meles Zenawi’s morgue back to its worst days in the Hell of Mengistu and Haile Selassie.

 

Ogaden is in revolt against Meles Zenawi’s Tigray thugs, who mercilessly kill whomever they meet in the streets of the towns and the villages of the long-tyrannized province of Abyssinia; Oromia is in uprising against the environmentally disastrous policies followed by the current tyrannical administration, and Dr. Negasso Gidada, Oromo and nominal ‘president’ of ‘Ethiopia’ admits the crimes perpetrated during his ridiculous tenure, therefore proving the impossibility of maintaining the present borders of and situation in the Abyssinian tyranny – comically re-baptized ‘Ethiopia’.

 

The abysmal hell of Abyssinia where numerous peoples have been peremptorily gathered, deprived of their properties and lands, massacred, terrorized and oppressed in the most inhuman ways is about to split to ten pieces, and all the oppressed peoples mobilize their forces to get rid of the Amhara pestilence that spread among them the Black Continent’s most appalling tyranny.

 

The Sidamas emerge now in the South, with a strong voice and even stronger determination to eradicate the foreign – alien presence and administration of the barbaric Amhara and Tigray rulers; they want to form a new, independent and genuine African Republic that will better reflect their democratic and egalitarian social ideals. Among the leading personalities and political heads of the Great and Noble Sidama Nation is Mr. Kambata Xoola, an African Original who prospered in his studies, researches and endeavours in the United States. He represents what can be the best combination of Sidama Millennia Long Culture with Modern Science, Technology and Political Vision.

 

We are convinced that through a multipartite interview, the readers will understand better the multifaceted aspects of Inanity and Inhumanity that Africa’s most execrable tyranny, namely the Amhara – Tigray Abyssinian monarchical – communist and pseudo-federal regimes, applied mercilessly against the Sidama Nation.

 

Interview with Kambata Xoola, MSc, Chairman, Sidama National Liberation Organization (SNLO)- Part I

 

– How is the situation in Sidama land, 5 years after the terrible massacres perpetrated at Looqe?

 

 – It has got worse!! The Sidama nationals are suffering in three major ways since the massacre. They include Political subjugation, Economic deprivation and Socio-Cultural domination. The nation is systematically suppressed and silenced by the regime’s security forces and its political cadres since the May 24, 2002’s Looqe massacre and, of course, prior to that since the TPLF took over political power.

 

Although there has been profound resistance since the May 24 massacre and the aftermaths of the May 15, 2005 highly rigged Ethiopian election that claimed lives of more than three hundred civilians and exposed millions to torture and extrajudicial arrests all over the empire, including Sidama region; the resistance is internally temporarily suppressed. The Sidama regional question is the centre of contention that didn’t get positive response to this date, and remains contentious!

 

Immediately after the May 24, 2002 massacre of innocent and non-combatant Sidama civilians by the security forces of Meles Zenawi regime, the resistance was fierce; especially by the Sidama intelligentsia and young Sidama University students. This has shaken the foundation of the regime in southern Ethiopia.

 

Sidama nation’s resistance compromised the position of the regime on various occasions, and obliged Meles Zenawi himself to go to the region to hoodwink some Sidama elders with usual lies and empty promises. Continued and strong resistance by the Sidama nation forced the TPLF leaders to devise another strategy; a strategy based on intimidation. The ultimate power given to inadequately trained and ill-mannered Sidama and southern regional political cadres made the lives of the Sidamas people utterly difficult. The Sidama people are brutalized by their own sons, who were handpicked and appointed simply to deceive Sidama people under the pretext of representation. This is the TPLF policy of indirect rule through the surrogates.

 

The uprooting of the Sidama people from their capital city and its vicinity already became effective. Those who have been forcibly uprooted from their ancestral lands have been left destitute without any protection, while those who are supposed to protect voiceless Sidama nationals are supporting rulers and their loyalists to takeover Sidama capital city (Awassa) and exploit their scarce resources. The said affiliates are trading by the name of Sidama nation by selling Sidama land for those who are capable of buying, i.e. ‘Abyssinians’ and their loyalists. The Sidama people can’t afford to buy land in Awassa simply because they have been systematically robbed and incapacitated for over a century.

 

The Sidama TPLF/EPRDF political cadres represent and protect the interests of Abyssinian rulers instead of standing for the Sidama people. They are neither capable of articulating the ambitious goals of the Abyssinian successive rulers, or the effects of the injustices and systematically imposed policies on the various nations and nationalities in the country. In particular, they are unable to understand the reason behind the fumigation of various nations and nationalities in South Ethiopia for simple reason of taming them for modern slavery. The cadres don’t have know-how and above all, courage to address Sidama’s national grievances in particular, and southern nations’ in general.

 

Therefore, these past years have been years of sufferings, hopelessness and frustration, ordeal, relentless mourning and abject poverty for the Sidama nation in particular, and for other systematically subjugated nations of Abyssinian Empire in general. Equally, these years have been a time of underground movement that is born out of continued injustices and brutal treatments. The political cadres and their federal and regional masters are getting richer by the bloods of innocents, whilst the wider society is suffering untold ordeal in the history of Sidama nation.

 

– Would you describe the basic social problems Sidamas are currently facing?

 

– The Sidama nation will soon face a serious socio-economic and politico-cultural tragedy, if several issues are not addressed on time; this will happen for three basic reasons. Firstly, there is no genuine political representation for the nation, which is nonetheless the fifth populous nation in Ethiopia following the Oromos, the Amharas, the Tigrays, and the Ogaden Somalis, according to the regime’s Central Statistical Authority population figures. Secondly, if there is no political representation with courageous and visionary leadership, the nation can’t economically prosper. Its intellectuals will not be able to create ideas and thoughts for their nation. There will not be any form of enthusiasm and conducive atmosphere for creativity. Its business community can’t have opportunity to do their best under occupation.

 

Thirdly, to do these, there need to be socio-cultural freedom and liberty. The nation needs to have ownership of its land, cultural heritage, political leadership and control over its resources to solve its social problems. Today, all these are non-existent in Sidama land.

 

Additionally, non-Abyssinian nations of the empire are made to feel inferior to their colonial masters although the Sidama nation hasn’t voluntarily surrendered its liberty and national integrity. However, due to their militarily upper hand, the Abyssinian successive regimes kept their pervasive, all rounded domination in the past century as it is today. Therefore, social problems in Sidama region are pretty intertwined with political, cultural and economic problems deliberately perpetrated by successive Abyssinian regimes.

 

– To what extent do traditional social systems survive today among the Sidamas?

 

– Culturally egalitarian nation of Sidama was obliged to give its way for the brutish and incompetent Abyssinian rule since it has fallen at the hands of Abyssinian colonizers. The Sidama nation’s socially accepted true ways of life and its egoistic derive are dramatically diminishing amongst young Sidamas – especially those who are primarily involved in protestant Christianity and those who are loyalists of the successive Abyssinian regimes. The socially accepted ways of life, ‘halaale’ is being destroyed and replaced with an alien culture which is the result of systematic subjugation of Sidama cultural heritage by the successive rulers. The colonizers regard Sidama ways of life uncivilized and backward.

 

However, the majority of the people in the nation in particular older people and highly educated groups of the society kept their belief and traditional ways of life intact despite relentless pressures. Sidama National Liberation Organization (SNLO) struggles and tirelessly works to preserve Sidama’s cultural heritage whilst adopting modern technology in such a way that both be integrated for the benefit of our society.



Note

The daily Sidama reality is not as idyllic as the Lake Awassa shores.

http://free-oromiyaa.blogspot.com/2007/08/ethiopian-sidamas-reject-amhara-tigray.html

 



 

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Είκοσι τέσσερις Τίτλοι Άρθρων του Αφρικανολόγου και Ανατολιστή, καθ. Μουχάμαντ Σαμσαντίν Μεγαλομμάτη σχετικά με το Μαχόμενο για την Εθνική Ανεξαρτησία του Κουσιτικό Έθνος των Σιντάμα (Sidama) στην Ανατολική Αφρική (Αβησσυνία) Δημοσιευμένα μόνο το 2007

 

 

Abyssinia’s Tyrannized Sidamas: a Blooming Nation fighting for Independence / 28-5-2007

 

Seyoum Hameso and the Sidama Diaspora Intellectuals / 5-6-2007

 

Sidama: from Starbucks’ brand to an Independent African Nation / 7-6-2007

 

Sidama: the Paradise we lost, the Heaven we search for / 15-6-2007

 

Wolassa Kumo, and the Independence Struggle for the Sidama Land / 16-6-2007

 

Colonial Crimes in Africa: Sidama Democratic Society under Threat of Extinction / 22-6-2007

 

Oppressed Sidamas denounce the Graveyard “Federal Ethiopia” / 5-7-2007

 

US, ‘Ethiopia’, Sidamas, Kinijit Amharas, and the Mathewos Korsisa Tragedy / 21-8-2007

 

Ethiopian Sidamas Reject Neo-Nazi Amhara / Tigray Abyssinian Tyranny / 25-8-2007

 

Sidama Leader Kambata Xoola lambastes the Cruel Amhara / Tigray Tyrants / 27-8-2007

 

A Debate on Abyssinia / Ethiopia with Tigray, Ogadeni and Sidama participation / 28-8-2007

 

SNLO Leader Kambata Xoola demands Freedom for Abyssinia’s Tyrannized Sidamas / 28-8-2007

 

Sidama Leader Xola rejects Kinijit as Democracy’s Worst Enemy in Africa / 29-8-2007

 

Sidamas Reject the Inhuman Monstruosity of Tyrannical, United ’Ethiopia’ / 31-8-2007

 

Ongoing Sidama – Tigray Debate on the Abolition of the ‘Ethiopian’ Tyranny / 11-9-2007

 

Oromo, Sidama, Ogadeni Indignation for Amhara Apologists of ‘Ethiopian’ Tyranny / 13-9-2007

 

Clamor of Indignation against Abyssinian Colonial Exploitation of Sidama National Resources / 27-9-2007

 

Coffee, Colonialism and Capitalism; Introduction to African Crisis / 28-9-2007

 

Coffee, Colonialism and Capitalism; Introduction to ‘Ethiopian’ Tyranny / 29-9-2007

 

Out of Africa – Sidama Land: Coffee Economics, Politics and Poverty / 30-9-2007

 

Sidama and Wolayita Outcry Amhara and Tigray Racism and Forged ‘Ethiopian’ History / 5-10-2007

 

Evidence of ‘Ethiopian’ Amhara / Tigray Racism: Use of ‘Sidamo’ and ‘Wolamo’ misnomers / 6-10-2007

 

Sidama Fichchee Marked by the Political Assassination of Kefyalew Yunka, Great Sidama Artist / 10-10-2007

 

Sidama Ethiopians reject Amhara Abyssinian Barbarism and Racism / 17-10-2007

 

 



 

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Βασικά στοιχεία:

https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/fichee-chambalaalla-new-year-festival-of-the-sidama-people-01054

http://www.unesco.org/archives/multimedia/document-4023

https://www.southworld.net/ethiopia-the-sidama-people-magano-the-first-ancestor/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sidama_people

https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Сидамо

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sidamo_language

 





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